Σπάζοντας τον πάγο Γιατί οι ΗΠΑ χρειάζονται πυρηνικά παγοθραυστικά

Οι Ηνωμένες Πολιτείες χρειάζονται περισσότερα παγοθραυστικά. Η χώρα έχει ένα αυξανόμενο εθνικό συμφέρον [1] στην Αρκτική, και οι σχέσεις της με την Ρωσία, μια κυρίαρχη δύναμη στην περιοχή, είναι όλο και πιο ψυχρές. Ωστόσο, η Ουάσιγκτον είναι θλιβερά ανέτοιμη για την πρόκληση της Αρκτικής όσον αφορά σε ένα κρίσιμο εργαλείο: Τα ισχυρά πυρηνοκίνητα πλοία που θα στηρίξουν τους οικονομικούς της στόχους και τους στόχους για την ασφάλειά της στο βόρειο άκρο.

Το αμερικανικό παγοθραυστικό Polar Sea στην διάρκεια ερευνητικής αποστολής στην Αρκτική, το 2009. (U.S. Coast Guard)

Λόγω της υποχώρησης των πολικών πάγων, η Αρκτική γίνεται όλο και πιο προσιτή για εξερεύνηση και διέλευση. Για τις Ηνωμένες Πολιτείες και άλλα έθνη τής Αρκτικής, η εξέλιξη αυτή προσφέρει σημαντικές νέες ευκαιρίες, από τις προηγουμένως μη διαθέσιμες ναυτιλιακές διαδρομές μέχρι τους ως τώρα ανεκμετάλλευτους φυσικούς πόρους. Επίσης, έρχεται με νέους κινδύνους -είναι μια καινούργια αρένα για πιθανό γεωπολιτικό ανταγωνισμό- και πρόσθετες ευθύνες: Την διαχείριση του απομακρυσμένου, αλλά όλο και πιο πολυάνθρωπου χώρου.

Viewing Russia From the Inside

Last week I flew into Moscow, arriving at 4:30 p.m. on Dec. 8. It gets dark in Moscow around that time, and the sun doesn't rise until about 10 a.m. at this time of the year — the so-called Black Days versus White Nights. For anyone used to life closer to the equator, this is unsettling. It is the first sign that you are not only in a foreign country, which I am used to, but also in a foreign environment. Yet as we drove toward downtown Moscow, well over an hour away, the traffic, the road work, were all commonplace. Moscow has three airports, and we flew into the farthest one from downtown, Domodedovo — the primary international airport. There is endless renovation going on in Moscow, and while it holds up traffic, it indicates that prosperity continues, at least in the capital.

Our host met us and we quickly went to work getting a sense of each other and talking about the events of the day. He had spent a great deal of time in the United States and was far more familiar with the nuances of American life than I was with Russian. In that he was the perfect host, translating his country to me, always with the spin of a Russian patriot, which he surely was. We talked as we drove into Moscow, managing to dive deep into the subject.

Germany and the eurozone: The view from Paris

On recent visits to Berlin, I have been surprised at how negative people are about France. Key officials regard the country as incapable of controlling spending or enacting serious structural reform. They do not show much understanding of the political constraints that limit President François Hollande’s freedom of action. The officials add that, so long as the mistrust between Berlin and Paris persists, they cannot strike a bargain to strengthen eurozone governance. In any case, they say, there is no urgent need to do so, because – in their view – the eurozone as a whole is not in crisis. There are just specific problems in a few countries like France and Italy, caused by politicians lacking the courage to do what is necessary.

So I went to Paris to discover what the government thinks about Germany and the future of the euro. In Paris there is a sense of urgency about the stagnation of the eurozone (which is likely to grow at less than 1 per cent this year and to do not much better next year), the deflation afflicting parts of it (prices are falling in France) and the negative impact that these problems will have on French growth, job-creation and debt sustainability. Even French officials who are life-long believers in Franco-German amitié admit that the relationship is now ragged and horribly unbalanced: on the big questions, Germany sets the agenda for the eurozone.