Algeria's recent presidential election granted a fourth term to President Abdel Aziz Bouteflika, giving the political establishment additional time to implement constitutional changes as well as political and economic reforms. The president and his allies hope to foster a civilian state that can check the power of the military and security forces. Whether under civilian or military rule, however, security concerns will continue to play a key role in Algerian politics. This fact is underscored by a recent disagreement between Algiers and Washington over the sale of armed unmanned aerial vehicles, known colloquially as drones, and associated technology.
U.S. Secretary of State John Kerry meets with Algerian President Abdel Aziz Bouteflika on April 3 in Algiers.(JACQUELYN MARTIN/AFP/Getty Images)
Algeria and the United States share concerns about regional militancy and view drones as useful tools in the fight against terrorism. However, deep divisions remain between the two on who will oversee technology and operations. As the United States tries to improve indigenous counterterrorism capabilities region-wide, this dispute highlights a major challenge: One of its most capable potential partners continues to pursue its own prerogatives, to the detriment of U.S. strategy. In accordance with Algeria's geopolitical imperatives, the country will continue to reject foreign oversight over domestic decision-making and oppose expanded Western influence in its strategic periphery.
Analysis
Gaining the ability to conduct drone surveillance or limited strikes from a base in Algerian territory would give the United States access to the broader North African region and enhance its ability to stem militant flows. Algeria shares borders with most of the states in the Sahara and Sahel and has been largely immune to the regional political turmoil that began in 2011. Algiers has also conducted successful military and intelligence activities against domestic and regional militants, namely al Qaeda in the Islamic Maghreb, or AQIM.
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Rumored U.S. plans for drone cooperation have been stymied by Algeria's concerns about granting unlimited airspace and flyover rights to U.S. and European militaries. The revolutionary and nationalist ideology of the Algerian military has fueled this resistance, as has a political culture that is deeply distrustful of Western activities in the region. Algiers has also voiced concern that basing drones in its territory could make it a target for militant activity and spark domestic opposition like that seen in Yemen and Pakistan. Instead, Algiers has requested U.S. assistance to develop its own capabilities and to conduct drone operations with U.S.-made drones and the intelligence-gathering and monitoring technology necessary to identify and target militants. The United States has balked at such demands, and U.S. Ambassador to Algeria Henry Ensher has explicitly stated that the United States will not sell Algeria drones or associated technology, reportedly because of Algiers' refusal to cooperate.
Algeria's stance is reminiscent of the aftermath of the attack on the Tigantourine natural gas processing plant near Ain Amenas, Algeria. AQIM-affiliated militants seized the facility and took local and foreign workers hostage. In response, the Algerian government launched a counteroffensive without coordinating with or providing updates to foreign capitals, even though Western and Asian workers were present. The operation left the Tigantourine plant damaged and resulted in the deaths of several foreign workers. In spite of this, many in Algerian military and intelligence circles saw the intervention as a manifesto of Algeria's refusal to negotiate with terrorists and to solve its security problems without foreign intervention. Algeria also opposed plans for a foreign military intervention in Mali, although it did eventually allow foreign militaries to use its airspace to transport personnel and supplies. This attitude has made foreign governments, especially the United States, hesitant to arm Algeria's military with drones without oversight.
Algeria sees itself as the strongest indigenous player in its immediate region and works actively to limit foreign encroachment into its borderlands. It continues to pursue its own security and political arrangements with its sub-Saharan African neighbors counter to Western regional ambitions and in direct competition with U.S. regional allies such as Morocco. Since 2013, Algeria has also increased its involvement in mediating Tunisia's political transition and has boosted military and intelligence cooperation with Tunis against militants along their shared border. Algiers views acquiring drones and targeting technology as an important step in upgrading its capabilities, and it has begun negotiations with China in addition to its ongoing talks with the United States.
The interests of Algeria and the United States often overlap -- both share similar concerns regarding Libya and attitudes toward regional militancy and instability. Algeria, however, ultimately views increased Western activity in the region as competition for its natural leadership role based on its relative economic and military strength. Regime plans for constitutional reform and more effective civilian oversight are unlikely to shift this core Algerian imperative. This spat over drones will not break the U.S.-Algerian relationship or end coordination against regional militancy. But it is does suggest that the increased cooperation and foreign policy reform the United States hopes to see during Bouteflika's fourth term will be slow to materialize and will only come on Algeria's terms, if at all.
sourche: Stratfor
U.S. Secretary of State John Kerry meets with Algerian President Abdel Aziz Bouteflika on April 3 in Algiers.(JACQUELYN MARTIN/AFP/Getty Images)
Algeria and the United States share concerns about regional militancy and view drones as useful tools in the fight against terrorism. However, deep divisions remain between the two on who will oversee technology and operations. As the United States tries to improve indigenous counterterrorism capabilities region-wide, this dispute highlights a major challenge: One of its most capable potential partners continues to pursue its own prerogatives, to the detriment of U.S. strategy. In accordance with Algeria's geopolitical imperatives, the country will continue to reject foreign oversight over domestic decision-making and oppose expanded Western influence in its strategic periphery.
Analysis
Gaining the ability to conduct drone surveillance or limited strikes from a base in Algerian territory would give the United States access to the broader North African region and enhance its ability to stem militant flows. Algeria shares borders with most of the states in the Sahara and Sahel and has been largely immune to the regional political turmoil that began in 2011. Algiers has also conducted successful military and intelligence activities against domestic and regional militants, namely al Qaeda in the Islamic Maghreb, or AQIM.
Click to Enlarge
Rumored U.S. plans for drone cooperation have been stymied by Algeria's concerns about granting unlimited airspace and flyover rights to U.S. and European militaries. The revolutionary and nationalist ideology of the Algerian military has fueled this resistance, as has a political culture that is deeply distrustful of Western activities in the region. Algiers has also voiced concern that basing drones in its territory could make it a target for militant activity and spark domestic opposition like that seen in Yemen and Pakistan. Instead, Algiers has requested U.S. assistance to develop its own capabilities and to conduct drone operations with U.S.-made drones and the intelligence-gathering and monitoring technology necessary to identify and target militants. The United States has balked at such demands, and U.S. Ambassador to Algeria Henry Ensher has explicitly stated that the United States will not sell Algeria drones or associated technology, reportedly because of Algiers' refusal to cooperate.
Algeria's stance is reminiscent of the aftermath of the attack on the Tigantourine natural gas processing plant near Ain Amenas, Algeria. AQIM-affiliated militants seized the facility and took local and foreign workers hostage. In response, the Algerian government launched a counteroffensive without coordinating with or providing updates to foreign capitals, even though Western and Asian workers were present. The operation left the Tigantourine plant damaged and resulted in the deaths of several foreign workers. In spite of this, many in Algerian military and intelligence circles saw the intervention as a manifesto of Algeria's refusal to negotiate with terrorists and to solve its security problems without foreign intervention. Algeria also opposed plans for a foreign military intervention in Mali, although it did eventually allow foreign militaries to use its airspace to transport personnel and supplies. This attitude has made foreign governments, especially the United States, hesitant to arm Algeria's military with drones without oversight.
Algeria sees itself as the strongest indigenous player in its immediate region and works actively to limit foreign encroachment into its borderlands. It continues to pursue its own security and political arrangements with its sub-Saharan African neighbors counter to Western regional ambitions and in direct competition with U.S. regional allies such as Morocco. Since 2013, Algeria has also increased its involvement in mediating Tunisia's political transition and has boosted military and intelligence cooperation with Tunis against militants along their shared border. Algiers views acquiring drones and targeting technology as an important step in upgrading its capabilities, and it has begun negotiations with China in addition to its ongoing talks with the United States.
The interests of Algeria and the United States often overlap -- both share similar concerns regarding Libya and attitudes toward regional militancy and instability. Algeria, however, ultimately views increased Western activity in the region as competition for its natural leadership role based on its relative economic and military strength. Regime plans for constitutional reform and more effective civilian oversight are unlikely to shift this core Algerian imperative. This spat over drones will not break the U.S.-Algerian relationship or end coordination against regional militancy. But it is does suggest that the increased cooperation and foreign policy reform the United States hopes to see during Bouteflika's fourth term will be slow to materialize and will only come on Algeria's terms, if at all.
sourche: Stratfor
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