By the end of the Cold War, the Arctic
entered into an era of substantial demilitarization and cooperation[1]. Both
the US and Russia dissipated their Arctic forces, albeit
the US
remained the most military capable Arctic power[2].
Following the two superpowers, the other Arctic nations all took immediate
steps to utilize the “peace dividend”.[3] Mutual
reduction of the deployed forces and the elimination of the Arctic
based exercises were at the forefront of their agenda.[4]
During the 90s the
Arctic affairs were monopolised by low politics issues, such as environmental
protection and fishery patrols.[5] In
fact, joint policies such as the Arctic Military Environmental Cooperation
Program (AMEC)[6]
among Norway , Russia and the US were launched as a result of the
growing international environmental concern over the abandoned Russian nuclear
submarines.[7]
Cooperation among the Arctic nations was also broadened both by the
establishment of the Arctic Environmental Protection Strategy and the Arctic
Council.[8]
However, at the
dawn of 2000s tensions began to rise again in Arctic .
The Polar states developed national policy statements regarding security in the
broader Arctic sea region and begun the rebuilding of their northern military
capabilities. It is noteworthy that while they all reaffirm their commitment to
support cooperation in the region, they simultaneously indicate that they will
take all the necessary actions to defend their interests, unilaterally if need
be. The contradiction in terms is that while publicly the Arctic nations
declare their willing to cooperate in a peaceful Arctic ,
the significant increase of their military expenditures suggests otherwise.[9]
Undoubtedly, there
is no immediate danger of conflict in Arctic . Nevertheless,
the re-emergence of the Arctic combat capabilities in the region begs the
question why? “Are the Arctic states
simply developing the means to protect their Arctic interests as climate change
makes the region more accessible? Or is it possible that they are beginning to
see the need to develop capabilities for a future Arctic
that faces less cooperation and more conflict?” To this end it is of great
importance to examine the security policies and actions taken by each of the
Polar nations.[10]
Throughout the 90s Canada
was of the main proponents of the cooperative model in Arctic affairs. Issues
of low politics such as environmental protection, trade and fisheries were at
the frontline of the Arctic agenda. However, since mid - 2000s Canada
is refocusing on traditional security topics, in particular, the defence and
foreign policy review. The latter was launched by the then Prime Minister Paul
Martin, which led to a set of policy papers on defence, diplomacy, sustainable development
and international trade that underlined the necessity to enhance Canada’s
ability to protect its Arctic territories.[11]
During the 2005-2006 Conservatives campaign,
Stephen Harper made the building up of Canada ’s military capability a
campaign issue. He promised to rebuild Canada ’s Arctic forces, including a
commitment to invest in a “new Arctic national sensor system
to listen for submarines in Canadian waters”, as well as to build “three heavy-duty,
armed icebreakers”.[12]
Following its election victory in 2006 to the present, the Conservative government
is developing plans to strengthen Canada ’s northern security
capabilities. In fact, in May 2008 launched the Canada First Defence Strategy[13]
for the modernization of the Canadian Forces.[14]
The First Defence Strategy is based on an extensive
and rigorous analysis of the risks and threats that the state of Canada
is to face in the years to come, and its government's defense plan, as well. “Through stable and predictable defence
funding, including balanced investments across the four pillars upon which
military capabilities are built - personnel, equipment, readiness and
infrastructure - the Strategy will increase the size of the Forces and replace
their core capabilities. It also presents unprecedented opportunities for
Canadian industry in its reach for global excellence”.[15]
Following the First Defence Strategy, on 26th
July 2009, the Canadian government released the Northern Strategy.[16] This
policy is based on four pillars: i) exercise Canada’s Arctic sovereignty; ii)
protect Canada’s environmental heritage; iii) promote social and economic
development; and iv) improve and develop Northern governance; The Northern
Strategy is designed to assert Canada’s sovereignty over its resource – rich
Arctic territories, while addressing the need for jobs, housing and a clean
environment in the region.[17]
Regarding its first pillar the policy anticipates the: build of six to eight
Arctic Offshore patrol vessels and a deepwater resupply port in Nanisivik;
build a large icebreaker; improve national coastal protection
and surveillance, including in the North (Northern Watch
and RadarSat II; Polar Epsillon[18]);
expand protected areas in the Northwest Territories; expand the
Rangers; create a Northern Reserve Unit based in the Arctic; and develop an
army Arctic training base in Resolute.[19]
According to the Canadian Minister of
National Defence Mackay, Canada ’s long-term defence strategy would
grow on 2009 $19-billion annual defence budget to $30 billion by 2027. Over
that time, the total budget approaches $490 billion in defence spending,
including $60 billion on new equipment. However, to date little progress has
been made in the implementation of the Arctic projects.[20]
In fact,
the renewal of Canada ’s
Arctic capabilities is slow while the Canadian government at times is taking
steps back[21]
from its promises. For instance, after a three year re-examination on the
design of the Joint Support Ships (JSS)[22], due to industry’s over budget
bids [23], the
Canadian government announced its final decision to acquire
two support ships, with the option to procure a third. “The JSS project represents a total investment by the Government of Canada
of approximately $2.6 billion. The presence of a JSS increases the range and
endurance of the Canadian Navy, permitting it to remain at sea for significant
periods of time without going to shore”.[24]
The Canadian government is also facing difficulty
with the modernization of Canada ’s
air capabilities for northern use. The newly purchased CC-177s[25] are not
compatible to the short surface of the northern airfields and the seventeen new
CC-130Js[26]
along with the fifteen new heavy lift Chinook CH-147D helicopters[27] are the
only featly that the Canadian air force possesses for its northern operations.
Furthermore, the Canadian air force is still determining what it needs to
replace its long-range patrol aircraft CP-140/CP-140A Auroras and Arcturus[28], its
CF-188 Hornet fighter aircraft[29], and
its one northern-based aircraft: the CC-138 Twin Otter utility transport aircraft[30]. According
to the Canada First Strategy both
the CF-188s and CP- 140s will be replaced,[31] however
this is highly unlikely to occur soon.[32]
Contrary to Canada ’s
air force upgrade, the Canadian government is rapidly proceeding with the Rangers
expansion. The Canadian Rangers are the “eyes
and ears” on the ground of the Canadian northern forces. The majority of
them are northern aboriginals with valuable knowledge on the northern lands.
Officially Canada
intends to expand the Rangers to 5000 members.[33] Moreover,
to complement their work, a reserve company (the Yellowknife Company)
based in the Northwest
Canadian Territories
is being recruited. It is the only active reserve unit north of 60 and it is
anticipated to recruit 100 people
over time, putting it at full strength by 2019.[34]
The Canadian Northern forces are also supported by
the RadarSat II[35],
“Canada ’s next–generation
commercial Synthetic Aperture Radar (SAR) satellite”. The system provides “enhanced
information for applications such as environmental monitoring, ice mapping,
resource mapping, disaster management and marine surveillance”.[36] The
Northern Watch program that was launched in 2008 to monitor any ships and
submarines approaching the Northwest Passage
is also back on track and is already conducting tests on new sensor
capabilities.[37]
Both systems significantly enhance Canada ’s northern forces in the
surveillance of High North providing them a vast amount of accurate and
important information.
Overall, the Canadian government is extensively
preparing ambitious and costly programs to upgrade Canada ’s northern capabilities. The
exercise of its sovereignty in Arctic has
become its main priority. Officially Canada remains a peaceful power in
the region and is willing to cooperate with its Arctic neighbours. The
enhancement of its military capability results from the assertive Russian
policy in the region. The Canadian government wants to show that is able to
respond to any military challenge coming from its mighty neighbour.
Nevertheless, delays and modifications have been noticed to the majority of its
military plans, and remain to see in the future whether it will fulfil its
promises or not.
At the policy level, in 2009 the Danish government
issued the Danish Defence Agreement. It is a
roadmap for the development of the Danish armed forces in the years 2010 to
2014.[40] The
paper particularly states that “the primary purpose of the Danish Armed
Forces is to enforce the sovereignty of the Kingdom of Denmark
and to ensure the continued existence and integrity of the country”. In a
special note on Greenland and Arctic it also underlines that “the melting of the polar ice-cap as a result of global warming and the
resulting increased activity in the Arctic will change the region’s
geostrategic significance and thus entail more tasks for the Danish Armed
Forces”.[41]
To this end, although the Danish Government remains
vocal in its support for cooperation in the region, it simultaneously enhances
its military presence in Arctic with the establishment of an Arctic task force
and an Arctic command[42] that
will deploy Danish F-16 Fighters to Greenland .[43]
Regarding its navy forces Denmark has always maintained three small Agdlek class ice-capable patrol cutters in Greenland , which from 2008 are being replaced, on a one
by one basis, by the Knud Ramussen class
offshore patrol vessels. The latter apart from fisheries inspections and
environmental protection tasks, is designed to have combat capabilities.[44]
Furthermore, with the Danish Defence Plan (2005 –
2009) the Royal Danish Navy (RDN) was granted with three new large frigate patrol
ships, which replaced the old corvettes of the Niels Juel class. These new
large ships are able to travel through ice up to one metre thick and they are
designed to have extensive weapons systems such as surface to surface missiles,
anti-air and anti-ship capabilities. In fact, “the new
ships will have a state-of-the-art ability to participate in air defense,
strike and artillery support missions”.[45]
Another significant asset for the RDN is the four
Thetis class frigates built by the Svendborg Shipyard.[46] Thetis
is a multi – role frigate used for fishery protection, surveillance, air-sea
rescue, anti-pollution and ice reconnaissance. It is also ice-strengthened and
posses extensive armament capabilities.[47]
The new Danish military
capabilities in the Arctic have badly affected the Canada
- Denmark friendly
relations, as well as their long-term dispute over Hans Island .[48] In
fact, with the commissioning of Thetis, the
Danish Government deployed her to Hans
Island to land troops to
strengthen the Danish claim. “The
Canadian Government responded in July 2005 by flying its Minister of Defence,
Bill Graham, to land on the island with Canadian troops. At this point both
governments recognized that the issue was escalating and met in New York in September
2005 and agreed to avoid any further military activity. Both sides now inform
each other of any action that they plan to take in regards to the island”.[49]
The Hans
Island incident
illustrates that even in circumstances involving allied states the addition of
new military capabilities can often escalate tensions. Although, officially the
Hans Island
has little or no natural resources and it is almost insignificant to both
states, the military enhancement of Denmark has triggered rivalry over
its control.[50]
The Danish Navy has also built fourteen Flyvefisken class (SF 300) multi – role vessels. Flyvefisken class
is “based
on a modular concept – using a standard hull with containerised weapon systems
and equipment, which allows the vessel to change role quickly for surveillance,
surface combat, anti-submarine warfare (ASW), mine countermeasures /
minehunter, minelayer or pollution control”.[51] The newest asset of the RDN is the two Abasalon class vessels (combat support ships). “The ships can be equipped for naval warfare,
land attack, strategic sealift missions or as a command platform. They can also
be configured as hospital ships or for emergency disaster relief. HDMS Absalon
(L16) was launched in February 2004 and commissioned into the Royal Danish Navy
in July 2004. The second of class, Esbern Snare (L17), was launched in June
2004 and commissioned in February 2005.” [52]
The effective and systematic upgrade of the Danish
Arctic Combat forces indicates the importance of High North to Denmark .
Its assertive Arctic security policy and its military intervention in Hans Island
clearly show a remarkable growth of the Danish military strength, and give to Denmark
a slight strategic advantage over the respective Canadian Arctic forces. Like
Canada, the Kingdom of Denmark is taking diplomatic initiatives to promote
cooperation in Arctic (Ilulissat Declaration), while it is simultaneously
preparing to defend its Arctic interest in the military field, if need be.
In October 2005, the Norwegian Government issued The Soria Moria Declaration on International Policy.
According to the paper “the Government
regards the Northern Areas as Norway ’s
most important strategic target area in the years to come”. It also
underlines that the energy and environmental policy challenges that Arctic faces have attracted the attention of other states in the region. Thus, it is
of high priority for the Norwegian government to consolidate the economic, environmental
and security policy interests of Norway
in Arctic .[55]
In addition the paper suggests the Norwegian
government to conduct dialogues on the Northern Areas with the other Arctic states; strengthen the Norwegian Defence
presence and exercise of sovereignty in the North; strengthen the co-operation with
Russia; and promote
increased co-operation in areas such as trade, petroleum, fisheries,
environmental protection, and education.[56]
In December 2006 the Norwegian Government’s High
North Strategy followed asserting that Norway
will continue to build good neighbourly relations with Russia , as well as reaffirming the vital role of
the presence of the Norwegian armed forces in the High North for meeting Norway ’s
national security needs and maintaining its crisis capacity. [57]
Beyond no doubt, both the policy statements clearly
indicate that Norway
believes in and promotes cooperation with Russia and the other Arctic
nations, since it identifies no immediate threat to its security; however it
still sees a need to ensure its military capability in a region of massive
transformations.[58]
The latter choice is a result of the fear of Norwegian officials that the Norway – Russia relation could deteriorate
in the future.[59]
The latest policy statement arrived in June 2008,
when the Norwegian government decided to issue the Norwegian Defence 2008
policy. According to the paper “the principal objective of
Norwegian security policy is to safeguard and promote national security policy
interests. This is best achieved by contributing to peace, security and
stability both in areas adjacent to Norway and in the wider world.
Nationally Norway
must be in a position to uphold its sovereignty and sovereign rights and to
exercise authority in order to safeguard our interests”.[60] Furthermore,
within the section of the Areas of Government Focus the paper identifies “the northern regions are Norway ’s prime area for strategic
investment”.[61]
Beyond the policy statements compilation Norway
is actively moving into a substantial modernization of its Arctic Force. In detail,
it has contracted five Aegis class
frigates, more strongly directed at Anti – Submarine warfare. “The first vessel, F 310, Fridtjof Nansen, was launched in June 2004 and
commissioned in April of 2006.
A second vessel, F 311, Roald Amundsen, was launched in
May 2006, and the third, F 312, Otto Sverdrup was launched in May 2006. Two
more are under construction”. Their armament consists of two triple
mounts of Mk-46 torpedoes, an eight cell VLS on the forward deck carrying 32
Evolved Sea Sparrow Missiles, and a 76mm rapid fire, dual purpose main gun. [62]
In February 2001 the Norwegian Royal Navy (NRN) launched its largest
ship, a Coast Guard icebreaker and offshore patrol vessel KV Svalbard (W303).
It carries Bofors 57mm and 12.7mm guns and is NBC (nuclear, biological,
chemical) protected with constant overpressure.[63] Another asset of the NRN is the six
contracted Skjold class missile patrol. “The first-of-class
ship, KNM Skjold (P960), was commissioned in April 1999. The Norwegian
government approved the build of five more Skjold Class vessels in June 2002.” Skjold is armed with short-range surface-to-air missiles and
additional advanced armament capabilities. All
vessels are planed for delivery by the end of 2010.[64]
The above purchases of the NRN identify its fears
that it may be soon in a hostile Arctic aerospace-maritime environment.
In fact, the newly Norwegian Arctic capabilities clearly exceed those required
for fisheries or environmental protection; they are designed to fight and guard
the Norwegian northern territories .[65]
In support of the above claim Norway is also invests a
substantial amount of its wealth to enhance and modernize its Arctic Capable
Air Force. In detail, in a more than three billion dollar contract[66], Norway has purchased 48 Lockheed Martin - Led F-35
Lightning II (Joint Strike Fighter) from the US to replace its old F-16s fleet.[67] The
F-35 is a stealthy, supersonic multirole fighter, is especially
designed for highly dangerous special operations, such as tactical bombing, air
defence missions and close air support.[68]
Since the early 2000s Norway has invested a considerable
amount of its GDP to finance the cost of its Arctic Force modernization. It is
noticeable that most of its programs are purchased from the US , a fact that demonstrates Norway ’s need to strengthen its
ties with the superpower, since the Russian military presence, in the High
North, is becoming increasingly assertive. Despite Norway’s public stance that
there is no immediate military threat in the region and the directive of its
policy statements to promote cooperation among the Arctic nations, the concern
of its Officials regarding the future of the Norway – Russia relations
gradually increases, putting pressure to the Norwegian government to purchase
more military technical equipment.
In terms of military power Russia
is perhaps the most powerful Arctic nation. By the end of the Cold War, the
collapse of its economy at mid-90s and the slash of its military capabilities Russia
became a friendly and harmless player in the Arctic affairs. However, both its economic (early 2000s) and military
recovery, due to massive energy (oil and gas) exports,[70] blurred
once again the Arctic security scene. In fact, Russia
sees itself as a recovering world power, as well as assumes the Arctic and its energy reserves as a vital space to its
development and dominance in the world energy exports.[71]
In an effort to map the above assumptions, the
Russian government, under president Putin issued an array of policy statements.
In 2002 the Putin administration launched the Armament Program 2002-2010[72] aimed
at weapons research and development in 2002 to 2005 and procurement by the end
of the decade. The main objectives of the Program were the stable development of its defense – industrial complex; the
optimization of the defense – industrial complex’s composition and structure;
the preservation of scientific – technological potential of the defense –
industrial complex; the optimization of the state participation’s share in
defense – industrial complex organizations’ capital; and the conjugation of
state defense order’s resources.[73]
On 17th December 2008, the Medvedev
administration approved the Principles
of Russian Policy in the Arctic up to 2020. The paper identifies
the following as Russia's national interests: “the use of Russia's Arctic zone as a strategic resource base to
assist the state in the social-economic development of the country; the
preservation of the Arctic as a zone of peace and cooperation; the conservation
of the unique ecological systems of the region; and the use of the NSR as an
integrated national shipping lane for the Russian Federation”. [74]
The main objectives of this
paper are spelled out in four areas, socio-economic security, military
security, environmental security and international cooperation. In detail, it
aims to expand the resource base of Russia’s Arctic zone; maintain the required
combat capabilities to protect its interests in the region; preserve and
protect Arctic’s natural environment; and ensure mutually beneficial
cooperation (bilateral and multilateral) with the other Arctic nations.[75]
Like the other Arctic
states, Russia by its policy
statements publicly declares its intention for cooperation in the region and
preservation of a peaceful Arctic . However,
the possibility of the western allies to join their forces, in order to ensure
the lion’s share from the Arctic resources and impede Russia from its territorial rights,
pushes the Russian government to rebuild its Arctic capabilities.
Focusing on the rebuilding of the Russian Arctic
force, the Russian government has purchased under the 2007-2015 Program (GPRV-2015)[76] “five Project 955 Borey nuclear-powered
strategic ballistic missile submarines equipped with new Bulava ballistic
missiles, two Project 885 Yasen nuclear-powered multipurpose submarines, six
Project 677 Lada diesel-electric submarines, three Project 22350 frigates and
five Project 20380 corvettes”.[77] Furthermore,
Russia
has upgraded its seven Delta IV class nuclear submarines fleet, which now operate
the Sineva ballistic missile system and can carry ten 100KT warheads.[78]
In April 2007 the Russian Navy launched the largest
and most powerful icebreaker in the world, the nuclear-powered 50 Years of
Victory,[79] while in October 2009, the
Russian Deputy Minister of Defense Vladimir Popovkin also announced the
purchase of two heavy nuclear-powered missile cruisers (TAKR) to be restored in
the active fleet.[80]
Earlier this year the chief of the Russian
Security Council, Nikolai Patrushev, announced that “Russia will create several infrastructure hubs along the Northern Sea Route in the Arctic to be used as temporary stations for Russian
warships and border guard vessels”. The plan is in line with Russia ’s Arctic doctrine, approved in 2008,
which outlines its aimed at maintaining Russia ’s role as a “major Arctic nation”.[81]
Regarding the Russian Air Force, it already has 40 Tu-95MS bombers and 141 Tu-22M3 bombers in
service and plans to replace its old TU-95 MC Bear strategic bombers fleet with a new - generation of 16 stealth technology Tu-160
Blackjack bombers by 2025.[82] Additionally, the Russian Defence Ministry decided to base MiG-31
long-range interceptors at the Rogachyovo Arctic base on the island of Novaya Zemlya
by the end of 2012 to enhance its defence against any attack from the north.[83] Moreover, Russia
has one of world’s best fighters, the MiG 1.42 (Multifunctional Frontline
Fighter).[84] Nevertheless,
the current global financial recession has side effects on the Russian economy
causing difficulties in the modernization process of the Russian forces
(suspension of the T-60s intermediate range bombers program).
Apart from the
rebuilding of its Arctic Force, Russia
has actively moved to the deployment of forces around Arctic
in an effort to demonstrate its military power and come back in the region.
Military ventures, such as that of August 2007[85], July 2008[86], July 2009[87], and July 2010[88] have become regular
phenomenon in Arctic . Undoubtedly, the Russian
Arctic activity raises concern to its Arctic neighbours. On the one hand the Russia
government officially supports the peaceful cooperation in the region, whist on
the other hand substantially increase its Arctic military Force on the fear of
a potential conflict.
The launch of the
above military exercises by Russia
has triggered accusations from its neighbours of tensions provocation and
imperialistic behaviour. However, having a closer look to the Russian Arctic
policy we see nothing more than its intention to call ‘present’ in the Arctic
rivalry. The Russian government is deeply concerned that its neighbors – all
member states of NATO – will join their forces in order to deter Russia
from its right to exploit the energy resources lying on its claimed Arctic territories.
Although, such a scenario is most unlikely to take place, the Russian concern
is not groundless, since NATO in its 2009 Cold Response Exercise at the North
of Norway simulated a military conflict over the Arctic oil, between Midland and Northland (Russia ).[89] It is such the
annoyance of the Russian government from the Alliance ’s
presence in Arctic that the Russian Ambassador to NATO stated that “NATO has nothing to do in the Arctic ”.[90] The Russian media
and academic also suggest that NATO’s military activity in Arctic
is dangerous for the peaceful settle of the territorial disputes.[91]
The deployment of military forces in Arctic, both by Russia and
the other Arctic states is clearly not a zero sum game. As each side increases its
military activity in the north, the other side will respond in kind.[92] Each
one of the Arctic players wants to be sure that is military capable to defend
its interest in an open military conflict, if need be. However, unlike the Cold
War period this is a different – new era away from ideological confrontations
where both Russia
and the other Arctic nations have made great steps to cooperation and the
peaceful settle of their disputes. The newly arms race in Arctic
looks more like a game of pyrotechnics than a brave new Cold War. As long as
the Arctic nations assume that is to the best of their interest to cooperate
the Arctic will remain out of troubles.
UNITED STATES
The United States, after the end of
the Cold War have shown little or no interest for the Arctic region.[93] The
absence of a US
national Arctic policy has resulted in its
characterization as “reluctant Arctic
power”.[94]
A closer look at the US
foreign and security policy, throughout the past twenty years, shows that the US
does not normally think of itself as an Arctic state; however, it has currently
begun to reconsider its latter stance.[95] In
fact, in January 2009 President George W. Bush issued the National Security
Presidential Directive 66 setting out policy towards the Arctic region.[96]
In doing so he officially attested the US ’ comeback in Arctic and declared the US ’ intention
to develop greater capabilities and capacity, as necessary, to protect its Arctic
air, land and sea borders. The Directive also recommended that the Senate
should endorse the US ’
accession to the UNCLOS.
Furthermore, the Bush administration
contributed to the modernization of the US Arctic Force. In detail, decided the
upgrade of the US ’s
early-warning radar at Thule in Greenland, “adding missile-defence capabilities, and
the creation of a missile-defence installation at Fort
Greely , one of three US army bases in Alaska ,
as part of the worldwide missile-defence network said to be directed against
rogue states but causing grave concern in Moscow ”.[97] It is also noticeable that unlike the policy
statements of the other Arctic nations, the 2009 US Presidential Directive in its policy section places
national security and homeland security needs in Arctic
as its number one priority.[98] Under the same policy lines the Obama administration,
based on the work of its predecessor, is building its Arctic strategy amending
it where necessary.[99]
Regarding its Arctic military capabilities, the US by
the end of the Cold War was the only Arctic state to maintain substantial
forces in the region. Throughout the past two decades it has actively moved to their
upgrade. In detail, it has announced the construction of 62 built Virginia class (SSN-774) of attack submarines[100] to
complement the 43 Los Angeles
(SSN-688) and three Seawolf (SSN-21) class ice capable of attack submarines.[101]
Nevertheless, the US Navy is facing a serious shortage in terms of its
icebreaking capability, since it had reduced its icebreakers fleet to three and
the construction of new ones is still under discussion by the Congress.[102]
Difficulties also have arisen regarding with its
Air Force modernization. Throughout the post-Cold War era it had deployed an F-15 C [103] fleet
based at the Elmendorf base (Alaska ).
However, due to a crash in November 2007 the entire fleet was grounded and
replaced with Canadian CF-18s for almost two weeks.[104] According
to the 2004 plan the F-15Cs were to be replaced by the new F-22 raptors.[105] A total
of 183 aircrafts have been contracted of which approximately 36 will be based
in Alaska .[106] The US Congress has also approved the
purchase of an F-35 fleet to complement the F-22 one.[107]
At the field of military
exercises, apart from its participation in Cold Response exercises, since
1993 the US has launched an annual military exercise in Arctic named Northern Edge[108]. It is
a joint training exercise which involves approximately 10000 soldiers, sailors,
marines and airmen. Although the significant number of forces participating in
Northern Edge, there is however a considerable disadvantage, since the exercise
takes place during the summer period and the US forces do not have experience in
winter weather conditions.[109]
Overall, the US Arctic strategy differs from those
of its Arctic neighbours. Although, it is releasing policy statements,
modernizing its military capabilities and conducting military exercises in the
region, the US have set as
their first priority national security instead of broader cooperation in Arctic . They are the only Arctic state that does not
officially abide by the rules of the UNCLOS, evidence that the US do
whatever serves better their national interest in the region. The latter
assumption becomes obvious with the mutual agreement between the Bush
administration and Hamper government, to put aside their dispute over the Northwest Passage in order to protect their Arctic
interests against the assertiveness of the Russian policy in the broader Arctic
sea region.
ARRIVAL OF NEW
ACTORS
The melting of the Arctic ice cap, the opening of
the Northeast Passage (new navigation routes)
and the increasing global energy needs have caused the involvement of new actors
in the Arctic affairs and its security regime.
EUROPEAN UNION
The EU
is one of the world’s largest oil and gas importers and a major player on the
international energy market. It is linked to the Arctic
by a combination of geographical, historical and economical bonds. Denmark one
of the five Arctic nations is member state of the EU; Norway is member of the
European Economic Zone; Canada, Russia and the US are strategic partners[110]
of the EU; It is noticeable that Russia is EU’s main natural gas supplier.[111]
However, the recent Russia –
Ukraine
crises (2006 and 2008) exposes the gaps in EU energy policies and the need for
alternative and reliable suppliers. The Arctic energy resources provide the EU
an opportunity to move further to this direction, since Denmark and Norway remain active in the Arctic
energy rivalry.
At the policy level, in March 2008, the
European Commission published a paper stressing the need for an EU Arctic policy. The document states that “environmental changes are altering the
geo-strategic dynamics of the Arctic with
potential consequences for international stability and European security
interests calling for the development of an EU Arctic policy”. Furthermore, the paper details the EU policies
in Arctic, which are related to the environment, support to indigenous people,
research, energy resources, fisheries, transport, tourism and security issues.
It is noteworthy that regarding the energy sector the paper clearly states that
“Arctic resources could contribute to
enhancing the EU’s security of supply concerning energy” and that the EU
should provide support for the exploitation of Arctic hydrocarbon resources.
The paper also underscores as EU’s main objectives to ensure security and
stability in Arctic ; strict environmental
management; and sustainable use of the Arctic resources.[112]
The EU opposes the idea of an Arctic Treaty,
stating that “the full implementation of
already existing obligations, rather than proposing new instruments should be
advocated”.[113]
Moreover, it has applied for a permanent observer status within the Arctic
Council in order to enhance its presence in the Arctic affairs; however its
request was vetoed by Canada .[114]
The
EU’s strategic initiative on the Arctic affairs shows its will to open new
cooperation perspectives with the Arctic states and establish its role as a
stabilizing factor in the region. In fact, it conceptualizes the Arctic as a region with vital importance for its energy
future and development. Thus, it systematically seeks a role in determining the
political and security Arctic framework, as well as to benefit from the future
exploitation of the Arctic resources, ensuring the preservation of the Arctic
environment and the sustainable use of its energy reserves.
NATO
NATO’s presence in Arctic is not
new; on the contrary throughout the Cold War was the rival of the Warsaw Pact
in Arctic , as in the rest of the world. Currently
the Alliance has reinforced its military
presence in Arctic , responding to the call of
its members, so as to alleviate the risen tensions and promote mutual confidence
among the Arctic nations. Nevertheless, NATO’s past actions in Arctic still trigger suspicion to Russia
regarding its come back in the region. To many Russians the military presence
of NATO in Arctic means nothing less than its
intention to ensure the lion’s
share of the mineral
reserves for its member-states. [115] Such a suspicion could drive Russia towards an aggressive foreign policy and
a dominant military presence in the region, since both President Medvedev and
Prime Minister Putin have declared Arctic of crucial importance for Russia ’s
development. In fact, this is an issue that is been treated by the NATO-Russia
Council.
The new challenge for NATO is to “maintain a military presence in the area that
is sufficient to act as a stabilizing factor in conceivable crisis scenarios
but without undermining stability through provoking short-term and long-term
countermeasures and ensuing escalation of general tension”.[116]
Furthermore, of NATO’s interest is to ensure
energy security in Arctic . In a world
struggling for energy, the Arctic energy resources bring High North closer to
the EU’s and NATO’s preoccupations, considering the report on NATO’s role in
Energy Security[117]
at its 2008 Summit in Bucharest .
Beyond security and energy issues, the
Alliance is currently taking action in search and rescue missions for stranded
vessels and emergency response to ecological disasters as the opening up of
frozen shipping lanes has increased the risk of accidents. Exercises such as “Arctic-Sarex 96” [118]
in cooperation with Russia
take place in a regular basis. In August 2009 NATO and Russia also moved to a joint search
and rescue of a cargo vessel.[119]
Furthermore, the Alliance
systematically promotes cooperation among the Arctic states in the combat
against drug trafficking, illicit weapons trade, and terrorism.
Although NATO, as the US opposes to a Nuclear Free
Arctic, it focuses on promoting cooperation among the Arctic nations, both in high
and low politics issues. In doing so, it aspires to make them realise how much
more they have to benefit from a peaceful settle of the territorial disputes
and the future exploitation of the natural resources, as well.
The opening of China to the Arctic nations is
inevitable. Although,
Chinese officials publicly declare that “China does not have an Arctic strategy” the
actions of the Chinese government show the opposite.[123] In July 2004 China
established its first Arctic research station, Huanghe (Yellow River), at
Ny-Alesund in Norway ’s[124]
Svalbard archipelago.[125] In early 2008 China requested for a permanent
observer status in the Arctic Council.[126] China
has also the world’s largest non-nuclear icebreaker (Xuelong), which in October
2009 decided to support with the purchase of new ones. [127]
The latter developments raise concerns over the intentions of China in Arctic .
Even though China lacks of direct access to the
Arctic region, it sees great opportunities for its economy from the future
opening of the Arctic sea. The opening of the North East Passage will create
new shipping routes and will shorten the journey for goods and raw materials
from China
to the European markets by 40 per cent.[128]
To date, China
is the world’s third largest economy[129]
and such a potential could give a considerable advantage to its exporters[130].
Furthermore, China has had bilateral trade talks with Canada and Norway . In April
2005, PetroChina signed a Memorandum of Understanding with Enbridge to build a
$2.5 billion pipeline from Alberta to a port
on the west coast of British Columbia where it
will be shipped by tanker to China .[133] China is also in negotiation on a free trade
agreement with Norway .[134]
Beyond no doubt, China ’s presence in the Arctic
affairs is gradually increasing. The prospect of the exploitation of the Arctic
energy reserves along with its vast energy needs, necessitate the establishment
of its presence in the Region. So far the Chinese Arctic policy keeps a low
profile, enhancing its trade and energy ties with the Arctic nations. It is
most unlikely that China
will engage in a military conflict with the Arctic nations over the Arctic
resources, despite the purchase of new icebreakers and its tremendous military
power, since it seeks clearly to cooperate with them.
The newly Arctic security environment is a
multidimensional scene. Each and all of its actors have issued policy
statements regarding their strategy in the region. On the frontline of their
agenda is to maintain the peaceful status quo of Arctic
and broaden cooperation among them. This is because all realize as their upmost interest to cooperate in order to
benefit from the exploitation of Arctic ’s
energy reserves and the new opportunities that arise from the opening of new
shipping routes. On the one hand the Arctic nations beyond their territorial
disputes work closely in order to put aside mutual distrust, both
diplomatically with the Ilulissat Declaration and practically by participating
in common military and rescue missions in the region. On the other hand the new
actors are trying to establish their presence in Arctic both by broadening
their trade relations with the Arctic states and enhancing their presence as
trustee of peace and cooperation in Arctic .
The increase of military capabilities in Arctic discloses the rationality of policy making in the
region. It is imperative when a state enhances its military power the other
states to respond in kind, so as to avoid a change in the balance of power. The
possibility of a military conflict in the region is little or minimal; however
if the balance of power change then the cost of war for the most powerful state
lowers, increasing the possibility for such a strategic choice. Thus, the
militarization of Arctic is not disturbing as
long as the balance of power remains unchanged. Overall the Arctic states and
all the actors involved in the Arctic affairs not only verbally have stated
their will to cooperate in order to ensure security and transparency in the
region, but also actively collaborate and interact with each other both within
international institutions and bilaterally, building mutual trust and a
tensions free Arctic.
BY PANAGIOTIS I.
PSYLLOS AND ELPINIKI KARAKOSTA
[1] See Young, Oran , (1992), Arctic
Politics: Conflict and Cooperation in the Circumpolar North, Hanover:
University Press of New England .
[2] The potential of
missile launches from North Korea
was enough to keep the US
missile defence active in the broader Arctic region (Fort Greely , Alaska ).
See US, Missile Defence Agency, For Your
Information, Missile Defence Agency
Emplaces First Interceptor at Fort
Greely , (22nd
July 2004), Available at: http://www.mda.mil/global/documents/pdf/04fyi0012.pdf Accessed on: 2010-09-10.
Governance, Vol. 11, (2005), P.
9-15.
Parliamentary Information
and Research Service, (26th January 2006), P. 11, Available at: http://www2.parl.gc.ca/content/lop/researchpublications/prb0561-e.pdf Accessed on: 2010-08-30.
[5] kakonen, Jyrki, Green Security or
Militarized Environment, Millennium - Journal of
International Studies, (March 1995), Vol. 24, P. 158-9.
[6] United States Government Accountability Office (GAO), Russian Nuclear Submarines: US Participation
in the Arctic Military Environmental Cooperation Program Needs Better
Justification, GAO-040924, (14th September
2004), Available at: http://www.gao.gov/new.items/d04924.pdf Accessed on: 2010-08-30.
[7] Bøøhmer Nils,
Nikitin Aleksandr, Kudrik Igor, Nilsen Thomas,
Zolotkov Andrey,and McGovern H. Michael, The
Arctic Nuclear Challenge, Bellona Report, Vol. 3, (1st June 2001), Available at: http://www.bellona.org/reports/The_Arctic_Nuclear_Challenge
Accessed on: 2010-08-30.
Protection Strategy and the Arctic Council, Canadian Foreign Policy, Vol. 5, No.2, (Winter
1998), P. 37-58.
[9] Huebert, Rob, The Newly Emerging Arctic Security Environment, Canadian Defence
and Foreign Affairs Institute, (2010), P. 4. Available at: http://www.cdfai.org/PDF/The%20Newly%20Emerging%20Arctic%20Security%20Environment.pdf Accessed on: 2010-09-02.
[10] Huebert, Rob, The Newly Emerging Arctic Security Environment, Canadian Defence
and Foreign Affairs Institute, (2010), P. 5. Available at: http://www.cdfai.org/PDF/The%20Newly%20Emerging%20Arctic%20Security%20Environment.pdf Accessed on: 2012-10-08.
[12] CBC News website, Tories Plan to
Bolster Arctic Defence, (22nd December 2005), Available at: http://www.cbc.ca/story/canadavotes2006/national/2005/12/22/elxn-harper-dfens.html Accessed on: 2012-10-08.
[13] Canada , National Defence and the Canadian Forces, Canada First Defence Strategy, (May 2008), Available at: http://www.forces.gc.ca/site/pri/first-premier/index-eng.asp
Accessed on: 2010-09-02.
[14] Huebert, Rob, (2010), The Newly Emerging Arctic Security Environment, Canadian Defence
and Foreign Affairs Institute, P. 6. Available at: http://www.cdfai.org/PDF/The%20Newly%20Emerging%20Arctic%20Security%20Environment.pdf Accessed on: 2012-10-08.
[15] Canada , National Defence and the Canadian Forces, Canada First Defence Strategy, (May 2008), Available at: http://www.forces.gc.ca/site/pri/first-premier/index-eng.asp
Accessed on: 2012-10-08.
[16] Canada , Government of Canada , Canada’s
Northern Strategy, (21st December 2009), Available at: http://www.northernstrategy.ca/index-eng.asp
Accessed on: 2012-10-08.
[18] McKay Peter, News Release, Government of Canada Announces Location of
Satellite Reception Ground Stations for Polar Epsilon, (30th
March 2009),
Available at: http://www.forces.gc.ca/site/news-nouvelles/news-nouvelles-eng.asp?cat=02&id=2930 Accessed on: 2012-10-08.
[19] Huebert, Rob,
(2009), Canada and the
Changing International Arctic: At the Crossroads of Cooperation and Conflict,
in Frances Abele, Thomas J. Courchene, F. Leslie Seidle and France St-Hilaire, Northern Exposure: Peoples, Powers and Prospects for Canada ’s North, Montreal : IRPP, P. 100-2, Available at: http://www.irpp.org/books/archive/AOTS4/huebert.pdf Accessed on: 2012-10-08.
[20] The request to industry for proposals regarding the six to eight Arctic
Offshore patrol vessels has still not gone out, as well as the build of the
John G. Diefenbaker icebreaker, announced on 28th August 2008, is in
doubt. See Canada Department of Defence, Commodore Peter
Ellis, Director General Maritime Force Development, Arctic/Offshore Patrol Ship (AOPS), Presentation to Standing Senate
Committee on Fisheries and Oceans, (27th October 2009), and
Canada, Office of the Prime Minister, PM
Announces New Polar Class Icebreaker Project to be named after Former PM John
G. Diefenbaker, (28th August 2008), Available at: http://pm.gc.ca/eng/media.asp?id=2251 Accessed on: 2012-10-08.
[21] The primary design was the Joint Support Ships to have the capability to travel
in first-year ice up to one metre thick, as well as to be double-hulled and
therefore compliant with the Arctic Waters Pollution Prevention
Act. Instead the new design provides that “the primary role of
the (JSS) will include supply of fuel, ammunition, spare parts, food, and
water. The( JSS) will also provide a home base for the maintenance and
operation of helicopters, a limited sealift capability, and logistics support
to forces deployed ashore.” See Canada , National Defence and Canadian
Forces, Government of Canada to Acquire the Joint Support
Ships, (14th July 2010), Available at: http://www.forces.gc.ca/site/news-nouvelles/news-nouvelles-eng.asp?cat=00&id=3463
Accessed on: 2012-10-08.
[22] Canada , National
Defence, Assistant Deputy Minister – Material, Joint Support Ships (JSS), (27th July 2009), Available
at: http://www.forces.gc.ca/admmat/jointsupportshipjss-projetdunaviredesoutieninterarmeesnsi-eng.asp#psca
Accessed on: 2012-10-08.
[23] Canada , Canada News Centre, Bidders Fail
to Meet Budget Requirements, (22nd August 2008), Available at: http://news.gc.ca/web/article-eng.do?crtr.sj1D=&mthd=tp&crtr.mnthndVl=&nid=416189 Accessed on: 2012-10-08.
[24] Canada , National Defence and Canadian
Forces, Government of Canada to Acquire the Joint Support
Ships, (14th July 2010), Available at: http://www.forces.gc.ca/site/news-nouvelles/news-nouvelles-eng.asp?cat=00&id=3463
Accessed on: 2012-10-08.
[25] Canada , National Defence and Canadian
Forces, CC-177 Globemaster III –
Strategic Airlift, (12th March 2010), Available at: http://www.forces.gc.ca/site/pri/2/pro-pro/globemaster-eng.asp
Accessed
on: 2012-10-08.
[26] MCpl Derek Styan, Canada , Canada ’s Air Force, CC-130 J’s Squadron Introduces New Squadron
Patch, (10th June 2010), Available at: http://www.airforce.forces.gc.ca/8w-8e/nr-sp/index-eng.asp?id=10635 Accessed on: 2012-10-08.
[27] Pakistan Defence , Canada Purchases 15 CH-47F Chinook Heavy-Lift
Helicopters, (10th August 2009), Available at: http://www.defence.pk/forums/military-forum/31438-canada-purchases-15-ch-47f-chinook-heavy-lift-helicopters.html Accessed on: 2012-10-08.
[28] Canada , Canada ’s Air Force, CP-140A Arcturus, (26th March
2007), Available at: http://www.airforce.forces.gc.ca/v2/equip/cp140a/index-eng.asp
Accessed on: 2010-09-03.
[29] Canada , Canada ’s Air Force, CF-188 Hornet, (26th March
2007), Available at: http://www.airforce.forces.gc.ca/v2/equip/cf18/index-eng.asp
Accessed on: 2010-09-03.
[30] Canada , Canada ’s Air Force, CC-138 Twin Otter, (26th
March 2007), Available at: http://www.airforce.forces.gc.ca/v2/equip/cc138/index-eng.asp
Accessed on: 2010-09-03.
[31] Canada , National Defence, Canada First Defence Strategy, (May 2008), P. 17, Available at: http://www.forces.gc.ca/site/pri/first-premier/June18_0910_CFDS_english_low-res.pdf
Accessed on: 2010-09-03.
[32] Huebert, Rob, (2010), The Newly Emerging Arctic Security Environment, Canadian Defence
and Foreign Affairs Institute, P. 8. Available at: http://www.cdfai.org/PDF/The%20Newly%20Emerging%20Arctic%20Security%20Environment.pdf Accessed on: 2010-09-03.
[33] At present, the
Rangers count 4100 members. See Canada ,
Office of the Prime Minister, Backgrounder
- Expanding Canadian Forces Operation in the Arctic, (10th
August 2007), Available at: http://pm.gc.ca/eng/media.asp?id=1785 Accessed on: 2010-09-03.
[34] CBC News, MacKay Makes Arctic Army
Reserve Unit Official, (17th August 2009), Available at: http://www.cbc.ca/canada/north/story/2009/08/17/mackay-yellowknife-reserve.html
Accessed on: 2010-09-03.
[36] Radarsat-2, RadarSat -2
Successfully Launched, (14th December 2007), Available at: http://www.radarsat2.info/outreach/innews/2007/12142007_gsi.asp
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[37] Arctic Focus , Canada ’s Northern Watch program Under Way Again in
Arctic , (3rd November 2009),
Available at: http://arcticfocus.com/2009/11/03/canadas-northern-watch-program-underway-again-in-arctic/ Accessed on: 2010-09-03.
[38] Huebert, Rob, Renaissance in Canadian Arctic Security,
Canadian
Military Journal, Vol.6, No.4, (Winter 2005-2006), P.
17-29,
Available at: http://www.journal.forces.gc.ca/vo6/no4/doc/north-nord-eng.pdf Accessed on: 2010-09-03.
[39] Huebert, Rob, (2010), The Newly Emerging Arctic Security Environment, Canadian Defence
and Foreign Affairs Institute, P. 9. Available at: http://www.cdfai.org/PDF/The%20Newly%20Emerging%20Arctic%20Security%20Environment.pdf Accessed on: 2010-09-04.
[40] Danish Defence Agreement 2010-2014, Copenhagen ,
(24th June 2009), Available at: http://merln.ndu.edu/whitepapers/Denmark2010-2014English.pdf Accessed on:
2010-09-04.
[42] The Copenhagen Post Online, Arctic Rivalry
Heating Up, (15th July 2009), Available at: http://www.cphpost.dk/news/national/88-national/46275-arctic-rivalry-heating-up.html Accessed on: 2010-09-04.
[43] Huebert, Rob, (2010), The Newly Emerging Arctic Security Environment, Canadian Defence
and Foreign Affairs Institute, P. 10. Available at: http://www.cdfai.org/PDF/The%20Newly%20Emerging%20Arctic%20Security%20Environment.pdf Accessed on: 2010-09-04.
[44] The Knud
Ramussen class offshore patrol vessel has two 12,7 mm Heavy Machine Guns (M/01) and can quickly accept
a 76 mm
main gun, a sea sparrow missile launcher and antisubmarine torpedo tubes,
whenever the Danish government decides to. See Danish Naval History, Knud Rasmussen Class (2008 - ),
Available at: http://www.navalhistory.dk/english/theships/classes/knudrasmussen_class(2007).htm Accessed on: 2010-09-04.
[45] Balsved, E. Johnny, Danish Naval
History, New Patrol Ships: Three New
Large Frigate Sized Patrol Ships for the RND Granted, (24th June
2006), Available at: http://www.navalhistory.dk/English/NavyNews/2006/0622_PatrolShips.htm Accessed on: 2010-09-04.
[46] In detail, the Thetis (F357) and
Triton (F358) were commissioned in 1991, and Vaedderen (F359) and Hvidbjornen
(F360) in 1992.
[47] Naval - Technology.Com, The Website for the
Defence Industries – Navy, Thetis Class
Frigates, Denmark ,
(2010), Available at: http://www.naval-technology.com/projects/thetis/ Accessed on: 2010-09-04.
[48] Hans Island is a small uninhabited
island/rock between Greenland and Ellesmere Island .
See Huebert, Rob, (2005), Return of the “Vikings”: The
Canadian-Danish dispute over Hans Island – new challenges for the Control of the
Canadian North, in Fikret Berkes, Rob Huebert, Helen Fast, Micheline Manseau and Alan Diduck, Breaking Ice – Renewable Resource and Ocean Management in the
Canadian North, Calgary : University of Calgary Press , P. 319-334.
[49] Huebert, Rob, (2010), The Newly Emerging Arctic Security Environment, Canadian Defence
and Foreign Affairs Institute, P. 11. Available at: http://www.cdfai.org/PDF/The%20Newly%20Emerging%20Arctic%20Security%20Environment.pdf Accessed on: 2010-09-04.
[51] Naval - Technology.Com, The Website for the
Defence Industries – Navy, Flyvefisken
Class (SF 300) Multi – Role Vessels, Denmark , (2010), Available at: http://www.naval-technology.com/projects/fly/ Accessed on: 2010-09-04.
[52] Naval - Technology.Com, The Website for the
Defence Industries – Navy, Absalon Class
Combat/Flexible Support Ship, Denmark ,
(2010), Available at: http://www.naval-technology.com/projects/absalon/ Accessed on: 2010-09-04.
(29th April 2009), Available at: http://www.defencetalk.com/denmark-f-35-fighter-jet-decision-18247/
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[54] Huebert, Rob, (2010), The Newly Emerging Arctic Security Environment, Canadian Defence
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http://www.regjeringen.no/en/dep/smk/documents/Reports-and-action-plans/rapporter/2005/The-Soria-Moria-Declaration-on-Internati.html?id=438515 Accessed on: 2010-09-05.
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[57] Norway ,
Norwegian Ministry of Foreign Affairs, The
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2006), P. 5, 7, Available at: http://www.regjeringen.no/upload/UD/Vedlegg/strategien.pdf
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[58] Huebert, Rob, (2010), The Newly Emerging Arctic Security Environment, Canadian Defence
and Foreign Affairs Institute, P. 12. Available at: http://www.cdfai.org/PDF/The%20Newly%20Emerging%20Arctic%20Security%20Environment.pdf Accessed on: 2010-09-05.
[59] Defence
Processionals, Capable and Ready for
Action Norway ’s
Armed Forces 2010 - speech by the Norwegian Defence Minister to Olso Military
Society, (4th January 2010), Available at: http://www.defpro.com/news/details/12437/
Accessed on: 2010-09-05.
[60] Norway , Norwegian Ministry of Defence, Norwegian Defence 2008, (June 2008), P. 5, Available at: http://www.regjeringen.no/upload/FD/Dokumenter/Fakta2008_eng.pdf
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[61] According to the paper, “Norway ’s position as a
significant energy exporter and as a country responsible for the administration
of important natural resources extending over large sea areas, has an important
bearing on security policy. We must be able to uphold our sovereignty and our
sovereign rights, and to exercise authority in a proper way in areas under
Norwegian jurisdiction. Even though the day-to-day challenges we face in the
north are linked with economic factors, the administration of natural resources
and regard for the environment, the Armed Forces play an important role by
virtue of their operational capabilities with the emphasis on maintaining a
presence and upholding national sovereignty in the North. A robust Norwegian
military presence represents a security policy threshold and ensures a capacity
for good crisis management, so contributing importantly to the creation of
stability and predictability in the region”. See Norway , Norwegian Ministry of Defence, Norwegian Defence 2008, (June 2008), P. 7, 8, Available at: http://www.regjeringen.no/upload/FD/Dokumenter/Fakta2008_eng.pdf
Accessed on: 2010-09-05.
[62] Jeff Head, Aegis and Aegis-like Vessels of the World, Norway Nansen Class FFG, (28th May 2007), Available at: http://www.jeffhead.com/aegisvesselsoftheworld/nansen.htm
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[63] Doug, Thomas, (Fall 2007), Warship Developments: Arctic/Offshore Patrol Ships, Canadian Naval
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[64] Naval - Technology.Com, The Website for the
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[65] Huebert, Rob, (2010), The Newly Emerging Arctic Security Environment, Canadian Defence
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[66] Giovanni de Briganti, Defense-Aerospace.com , Norway ’s JSF Price Tag is $3.2 Billion and Rising,
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[67] Hoyle, Graig, Eurofighter @ Starstreak.Net , Norway Backs JSF Selection, Rejects Gripen NG,
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[68] Airforce-Technology.com, The Website for the
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[69] Barents Observer.Com, Cross-Border News, Large
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[70] Russia is the world’s largest natural gas
exporter, the second largest oil exporter and the third largest energy
consumer. See EIA , U.S.
Energy Information Administration, Independent Statistics and Analysis , Russia Energy Profile, (1st August
2010), Available at: http://www.eia.doe.gov/country/country_energy_data.cfm?fips=RS Accessed on: 2010-09-06.
[71] OilWeek , Canada ’s Oil and Gas Authority, Medvedev Says Arctic Resources Crucial for Russia’s Economic Future,
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[72] Global Security.Org, Military Industry under Putin, (9th November 2008),
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[74] Morozov, Yuri,
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[76] According to the
speech of the Russian Defence Minister Sergei Ivanov delivered at the Russian
Duma (7th February 2007), the Program determines new parameters,
where 60% of the 5 trillion Roubles fund allocated till 2015, is to be spent on
procurement of modern weapons systems and equipment, 20% is planned to be used
for the maintenance and servicing and 20% on R&D. See Warfare.Ru, Russia’s Military Budget, (2010),
Available at: http://warfare.ru/?linkid=2279&catid=239 Accessed on: 2010-09-06. See also Bear Rising, Tracking Russia’s Military
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[77] Russia RSS, RIA Novosti, Russian Navy to Receive Severodvinsk
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[78] Barents Observer.Com, Cross-Border News, Modernized Nuclear Sub to be Delivered in
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[79] The vessel took almost 18 years to complete and “it has an overall
length of 159m, a width of 30m, a draught of 11m and a depth of 17.2m. Its
displacement is 25,840t. The ship can break through ice up to 2.8m deep and is
classified under Russian LL1 class”. See Ship-Technology.Com, The Website for the Cruise
and Shipbuilding Industry, 50 Years of
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[80] Kipp, W. Jacob, The Jamestown Foundation,
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[81] Russia RSS,
RIA Novosti , Russia to Set Up Naval Infrastructure in Arctic -Patrushev, (6th August 2012),
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[82] Russia RSS, RIA Novosti ,
Russia to Develop New Strategic Bomber by 2017,
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[83] Russia RSS,
RIA Novosti, Russia
to Base Mig-31 Interceptors in Arcti, (25th September 2012),
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[84] Stoll Alex, Fighter-Planes.Com,
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[85] On 17th August 2007 the Russian President Vladimir Putin ordered the
resumption of 14 bomber aircrafts on a long-range flight over the Arctic Ocean . See BBC News, Russia Restarts Cold War Patrols, (17th August 2007),
Available at: http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/world/europe/6950986.stm Accessed on: 2010-09-07.
[86] On 14th
July 2008 the Russian Navy announced that its fleet has "resumed a
warship presence in the Arctic ." These Arctic naval patrols
include the area of the Spitsbergen archipelago
that belongs to Norway , a
NATO member. Russia refuses
to recognize Norway ’s
right to a 200-nautical-mile exclusive economic zone around Spitsbergen . Russia deployed
an anti-submarine warfare destroyer followed by a guided-missile cruiser armed
with 16 long-range anti-ship cruise missiles designed to destroy aircraft
carriers. See RIA Novosti, World RSS, Russian Navy Resumes Military Presence
near Spitsbergen , (14th July 2008),
Available at: http://en.rian.ru/world/20080714/113914174.html
Accessed on: 2010-09-07.
[87] On 13th – 14th
July 2009 the Russian Navy sent two
Delta IV class nuclear-powered submarines into Arctic
waters where carried out test launches of two Sineva intercontinental ballistic
missiles. It is noteworthy that the US was unable to detect the
presence of the Russian strategic submarines in the region before the
test-launched. See RIA Novosti, Defense RSS, Russia Outwitted U.S. Strategic
Defenses with Missile Test, (15th July 2009), Available at: http://en.rian.ru/mlitary_news/20090715/155530936.html Accessed on: 2010-09-07.
[88] According to the Canadian Minister of Defense,
the last week of July 2010, Russian TU-95s bombers flied near the Canadian
airspace, but the Russian Officials in Ottawa
are saying that was nothing more than a routine flight. It is noticeable that
annually both the US and Canada
monitor 12 to 18 Russian flights close to their airspace. See Pugliese David
and Minsky Amy, Calgary Herald, Russia Bombers Attempt to Probe Canadian
Airspace, (30th July 2010), Available at: http://www.calgaryherald.com/news/Russian+bombers+attempt+probe+Canadian+airspace/3342849/story.html Accessed on: 2010-09-07.
[89] European Voice.Com, Wi(l)der Europe, Defence
Training Gets Warm Response from Nordic States, (26th March 2009),
Available at: http://www.europeanvoice.com/article/imported/defence-training-gets-warm-response-from-nordic-states/64414.aspx Accessed on: 2010-09-08.
[90] Daily Times, A New Voice for a New Pakistan, Russia Plans to Deploy Troops in Arctic, (28th March 2009),
Available at: http://www.dailytimes.com.pk/default.asp?page=2009\03\28\story_28-3-2009_pg4_1 Accessed on: 2010-09-08.
[91] RT, Politics, NATO Interference into Arctic Debate Could be Dangerous, (7th
April 2009), Available at: http://rt.com/Politics/2009-04-07/_NATO_interference_into_Arctic_debates_could_be_dangerous_.html Accessed on: 2010-09-08.
[92] Huebert, Rob, (2010), The Newly Emerging Arctic Security Environment, Canadian Defence
and Foreign Affairs Institute, P. 18. Available at: http://www.cdfai.org/PDF/The%20Newly%20Emerging%20Arctic%20Security%20Environment.pdf Accessed on: 2010-09-08.
[93] It is noticeable that the 1994 Presidential Arctic Directive had ranked the need
to meet national security as the last of six priorities of the 1994 policy. See
US Department of State Dispatch (26th December 1994), Fact Sheet, US Arctic Policy, Available at: http://findarticles.com/p/articles/mi_m1584/is_n52_v5/ai_16709524/ Accessed on: 2010-09-09.
[94] Huebert, Rob, The United States Arctic Policy: The Reluctant Arctic Power, University of Calgary, The School of Public Policy: SPP
Briefing Papers Focus on the United States, Vol. 2, No. 2, (May 2009),
P. 1, Available at: http://policyschool.ucalgary.ca/files/publicpolicy/SPPBriefing-HUEBERTonline.pdf
Accessed on: 2010-09-09.
[95] Huebert, Rob, (2010), The Newly Emerging Arctic Security Environment, Canadian Defence
and Foreign Affairs Institute, P. 19. Available at: http://www.cdfai.org/PDF/The%20Newly%20Emerging%20Arctic%20Security%20Environment.pdf Accessed on: 2010-09-09.
[96] The White House,
National Security Presidential Directive NSPD-66 / HSPD-25, January 9,
2009, Available at: http://www.fas.org/irp/offdocs/nspd/nspd-66.htm
Accessed on: 2010-09-09.
[97] Blunden, Margaret (2009), The New
Problem of Arctic Stability, Survival, Routledge, Vol.51, Issue 5, P.129.
[98] The White House,
Office of the Press Secretary, National
Security Presidential Directive/NSPD 66 – Homeland Security Presidential
Directive/HSPD 25 – Subject: Arctic Region, (9th
January 2009), P. 2, Available at: http://media.adn.com/smedia/2009/01/12/15/2008arctic.dir.rel.source.prod_affiliate.7.pdf Accessed on: 2010-09-10.
[99] In July 2010 the Obama administration moved
Arctic science policy oversight to a White House council. See KTVA, Obama
Assigns Arctic Science Policy to White House, (23rd July 2010),
Available at: http://www.ktva.com/ci_15585693?source=pkg Accessed on: 2010-09-10.
[100] The Virginia
class is designed for a broad spectrum and Open Ocean
and littoral missions, as well as able to operate in the Arctic sea. See
NAVY.mil, Official Website of the United States Navy, United States Navy Fact
File, Attack Submarines – SSN, (10th
September 2010), Available at: http://www.navy.mil/navydata/fact_display.asp?cid=4100&tid=100&ct=4 Accessed on: 2010-09-10. See also
Cole William, Honolulu Advertiser.Com, USS Texas Pays Icy Visit to Arctic , (8th November 2009), Available at: http://the.honoluluadvertiser.com/article/2009/Nov/08/ln/hawaii911080383.html Accessed on: 2010-09-10.
[102] Ronald O’Rourke,
Congressional Research Service, Coast Guard Icebreaker Modernization:
Background, Issues, and Options for Congress, CRS Report for Congress RL
34391, (2nd September 2010), Available at: http://www.fas.org/sgp/crs/weapons/RL34391.pdf
Accessed on: 2010-09-11.
[103] FAS, F-15 Eagle Overview, (11th
September 2010), Available at: http://www.fas.org/programs/ssp/man/uswpns/air/fighter/f15.html#f15c Accessed on: 2010-09-11.
[104] CBC News, Canadian fighter jets
temporarily fill in for US air defences, (27th November 2007),
Available at: http://www.cbc.ca/canada/north/story/2007/11/27/fighter-jets.html
Accessed on:
2010-09-11.
[105] CBC News, Canadian fighter jets
temporarily fill in for US air defences, (27th November 2007),
Available at: http://www.cbc.ca/canada/north/story/2007/11/27/fighter-jets.html
Accessed on:
2010-09-11.
[106] Dewitte Lieven, F-16.net, F-22 Raptor News, F-22 Raptors Begin Operational in Alaska, (8th August 2007), Available at: http://www.f-16.net/news_article2468.html%5D
Accessed on: 2010-09-11.
[107] Hoffman Michael, Air Force Times, AF Leaders: F-22 Cuts a Matter of Priorities,
(14th April 2009), Available at: http://www.airforcetimes.com/news/2009/04/airforce_F22_oped_041309w/ Accessed on: 2010-09-11.
[108] US Air Force, Elmendorf Air Force Base, Northern Edge History, (30th October 2007), Available at:
http://www.elmendorf.af.mil/library/factsheets/factsheet.asp?id=10444
Accessed on: 2010-09-11.
[110] The EU closely cooperates with Canada, Russia
and the US either multilaterally within the framework of international
organizations – the IMF, the World Bank, the WTO, the Northern Dimension, and
the Euro-Barents Council – or bilaterally.
[111] EurActiv.Com, Geopolitics of EU Energy Supply, (10th January 2007),
Available at: http://www.euractiv.com/en/energy/geopolitics-eu-energy-supply/article-142665 Accessed on:
2010-09-11.
[112] Europa, EUR-Lex, COM(2008) 763 Final, Communication
From the Commission to the European Parliament and the Council, The European Union and the Arctic Region,
(20th November 2008), Available at: http://eur-lex.europa.eu/LexUriServ/LexUriServ.do?uri=CELEX:DKEY=483680:EN:NOT Accessed on: 2010-09-12.
[114] Canada opposed the EU’s request to join
the Arctic council due to the EU’s proposal to ban the import of seal products.
See CBC News, Canada against EU Entry to
Arctic Council Because of Seal Trade Ban, (29th April 2009),
Available at: http://www.cbc.ca/world/story/2009/04/29/cda-eu-arctic-seal.html Accessed on: 2010-09-12. See also Bjorn Bjarnason, New Arctic Policies, (4th May
2009), Sigtuna , Sweden , Available at: http://www.bjorn.is/greinar/nr/4944 Accessed on: 2010-09-12.
[115] Gallis, Paul, NATO and Energy Security, in CRS Report
for Congress RS 22409, (21st December 2006). See also International Herald Tribune , US Senator urges use of NATO defense clause
for energy, (28th November 2006), Available at: www.iht.com Accessed
on: 2010-09-12.
[116] Holtsmark G. Sven, Towards Cooperation or Confrontation? Security in the High North,
Research Paper, Research Division-NATO Defense
College , Rome , No.45, February 2009, P.11, Available
at: http://www.isn.ethz.ch/isn/Digital-Library/Publications/Detail/?ots591=0C54E3B3-1E9C-BE1E-2C24-A6A8C7060233&lng=en&id=97586 Accessed on: 2010-09-12.
[117] NATO, Bucharest Summit (April 2008), Report on:
NATO’s Role in Energy Security,
Available at: http://www.nato.int/cps/en/natolive/topics_49208.htm?selectedLocale=en Accessed on: 2010-09-12.
[118] NATO, Partnership
for Peace Exercise Arctic-Sarex 96 Khabarovsk
(Far Eastern Region of Russia )
16th to 20th September 1996, (16th
September 1996), Available at: http://www.nato.int/cps/en/natolive/news_24865.htm?selectedLocale=en Accessed on: 2010-09-12.
[119] RIA NOVOSTI, Russian Envoy Praises NATO Role in Search for Arctic Sea Ship, (20th
August 2009), Available at: http://en.rian.ru/russia/20090820/155870209.html Accessed on: 2010-09-12.
[120] National Intelligence Council, NIC 2004-13, Mapping the Global Future, Report of the
National Intelligence Council’s 2020 project, Based on Consultations With
Nongovernmental Experts around the World, (December 2004), P.62, Available at: http://www.foia.cia.gov/2020/2020.pdf Accessed on: 2010-09-12.
[121] Zweing David and Jianhai Bi, China’s Global
Hunt for Energy, Foreign Affairs, Vol. 84, No. 5, (September/October 2005),
Available at: http://www.foreignaffairs.com/articles/61017/david-zweig-and-bi-jianhai/chinas-global-hunt-for-energy Accessed on: 2010-09-12.
[122] Only in 2004 China accounted for 31% of global growth in oil demand. See Zweing David and Jianhai Bi, China’s
Global Hunt for Energy, Foreign Affairs, Vol. 5, No. 84, (September/October
2005), Available at: http://www.foreignaffairs.com/articles/61017/david-zweig-and-bi-jianhai/chinas-global-hunt-for-energy Accessed on: 2010-09-12.
[123] Ning, Xiao-night, “地球未来的缩影—外交部部长助理谈“北极研究之旅” [A microcosm of the Earth’s Future—Assistant Foreign
Minister Hu Zhengyue on “Arctic Research Trip”], (translated by Google), World Expo (2009), Vol. 349,
No. 19, P. 58, Available at: http://www.feidubook.com/HtmlMagaArticleText.aspx?FileName=BLSJ200919039 Accessed on: 2010-09-12.
[124] It is noteworthy that the Norwegian government
assumes the scientific presence of China
in Svalbard archipelago as a “big asset”. See Larsen, Gry, Common
Security Concerns of Norway and China, Conference with
SIPRI, Norway, Ministry of Foreign Affairs, (1st March 2010),
Available at: http://www.regjeringen.no/en/dep/ud/aktuelt/taler_artikler/taler_og_artikler_av_ovrig_politisk_lede/statssekretar-gry-larsen/2010/common_security_concerns.html?id=594935 Accessed on: 2010-09-12.
[125] Xinhuanet
News, ‘北极地区’ [Arctic region], (translated by Google), (13th June 2006), Available at: http://news.xinhuanet.com/ziliao/2006-07/13/content_4826007.htm Accessed on: 2010-09-12.
[126] The Chinese request was turned down by the
Arctic Council’s foreign ministers meeting in Tromso 2009. See Bjorn Bjarnason,
New Arctic Policies, (4th
May 2009), Sigtuna , Sweden , Available at: http://www.bjorn.is/greinar/nr/4944 Accessed on: 2010-09-12.
[127] The New York Times, China ’s Arctic Ambitions, Week in
Review, (24th May 2010), Available at: http://ideas.blogs.nytimes.com/2010/05/24/chinas-arctic-ambitions/ Accessed on: 2010-09-12.
[128] Krauss Clifford, Myers Lee Steven, Revkin C.
Andrew and Romero Simon, The Big Melt:
As Polar Ice Turns to Water, Dreams of
Treasure Abound, The New York Times, Science, (10th October
2005), Available at: http://www.nytimes.com/2005/10/10/science/10arctic.html?pagewanted=all Accessed on: 2010-09-13.
[129] Larsen, Gry, Common
Security Concerns of Norway
and China .
Conference
with SIPRI, Norway ,
Ministry of Foreign Affairs (1st March 2010) Available at: http://www.regjeringen.no/en/dep/ud/aktuelt/taler_artikler/taler_og_artikler_av_ovrig_politisk_lede/statssekretar-gry-larsen/2010/common_security_concerns.html?id=594935
Accessed on: 2010-09-13.
[130] It is noticeable that between the years 2000 and 2008 the value of
imports and exports between China
and the EU rose from €101 billion to €326 billion. See Willis, Andrew: China lies
at heart of Europe’s recovery, says Brussels ,
EU Observer.Com, (19th May2009), Available at:
[131] Menon, Rajan, The China-Russia Relationship: What It Involves, Where It Is Headed,
And How It Matters for the United
States , A Century Foundation Report, The
Century Foundation, (2009), Washington D.C. P. 36, Available at: http://www.tcf.org/publications/internationalaffairs/Menon.pdf Accessed on: 2010-09-13.
[133] All Business, Enbridge and PetroChina Sign Gateway Pipeline Cooperation Agreement,
(14th April 2005), Available at:
http://www.allbusiness.com/transportation/pipeline-transportation-oil-gas/5082289-1.html Accessed on: 2010-09-13.
[134] Yan ,
Norway , China Expect to Sign FTA Accord
this Year: Minister, Xinhuanet News,
(14th January 2010), Available at: http://news.xinhuanet.com/english/2010-01/14/content_12805586.htm Accessed on: 2010-09-13.
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